Quartet Symbolizes Likely Geopolitical Line-Up In The Future

This Quartet Has A Future

Despite problems, the new quad signals a concert of democracies

Brahma Chellaney

© Times of India, July 18, 2007

The newly launched Australia-India-Japan-U.S. “Quadrilateral Initiative”, founded on the concept of democratic peace, has raised China’s hackles but its direction is still undecided owing to differing perceptions within the group. Australia, India and the US have sought to assure Beijing that it constitutes no axis of democracies. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has claimed the quad carries “no security implication”. Australia wants the initiative to be limited to trade, culture and other issues outside the domain of defence and security. If a strategic initiative is to be limited to non-strategic issues, why establish it in the first place?

Australia appears ill at ease in this new grouping, given its desire to build strategic engagement with Beijing. Thanks to China’s ravenous import of resources, Australia has been reaping an unprecedented economic boom. Indeed, Canberra has been at pains to emphasize that neither its recent security agreement with Tokyo nor the launch of the trilateral US-Japan-Australia security dialogue since March 2006 is aimed at China. It an open question, however, how long Australia would be able to juggle a strategic relationship with China with its new security agreement with Japan, while maintaining a robust alliance with the US as the bedrock of Australian security. Would Canberra, for example, be able to sustain warm ties with Beijing while permitting Japanese troops to train in Australia under the new accord?

Washington’s own support to a security-oriented quad is less than unreserved. America’s implicit faith in democratic peace is offset by its desire to pursue what has been its key interest in the Asia-Pacific since 1898 when it took the Philippines as spoils of the naval war with Spain — the maintenance of a balance of power. Today, the US wants to ensure that China rises peacefully, without becoming an overt threat to American interests. At the same time, by deepening Japanese security dependency, it wishes to prevent Japan’s rise as an independent military power. It is also seeking to persuade India to move beyond the current strategic partnership to a military tie-up.

Achieving these varied objectives won’t be easy for US policy. As it is, the strategic underpinnings of the US-Japan security alliance have begun to corrode. While Japan feels increasingly threatened by China’s rapid and wild rise, America regards China neither as a friend nor a foe. In fact, the US and China, from being allies of convenience during the Cold War, have graduated to becoming partners tied by interdependence. America depends on Chinese surpluses and savings to finance its super-sized budget deficits, while Beijing depends on its huge exports to America to sustain its high economic growth and subsidize its military modernization. Politically, the US shares key interests with China, as illustrated by the Beijing-brokered deal on the North Korean nuclear programme that caught Tokyo unawares.

Doubts are surfacing in Japan over whether it can rely on the US nuclear and security umbrella protection in the future, especially if a conflict were to arise with China. Such doubts in turn are instilling security anxiety, which the US has sought to stanch by upgrading the operational elements of the bilateral security arrangements and encouraging Australia to engage Japan in defence measures.

For the US, a security-oriented quad would hold little benefit in relation to Japan or China. Tokyo is already tied to bilateral and trilateral security arrangements. Their expansion to a quadripartite format would do little to advance US objectives vis-à-vis Japan but make it more difficult to win continued cooperation from China, which has been warning against the creation of an “Asian NATO.”

It is also not clear that the US desire to build India as an ally can be advanced through a quadrilateral-security framework. Washington has been gradually expanding military-to-military cooperation with India. India, however, remains loath to enter into too tight a strategic embrace. It wishes to be a strategic partner, not an ally. US progress in building defence cooperation with India thus is likely to remain incremental, with the quad offering little advantage. 

New Delhi’s own approach to the quad is low-key — tacitly supportive of building democratic peace but hesitant to do anything that could instigate China to step up direct or surrogate military pressure. Having earlier called for an Asian “arc of advantage and prosperity”, Dr. Singh “explained” to Chinese President Hu Jintao in Germany last month that the quad represents “no ganging up” against China. But does Beijing bother to “explain” any of its actions antithetical to Indian interests? Also, when India can join hands with Russia and China in a Eurasian strategic triangle intended to help promote global power equilibrium, why should it be diffident about seeking democratic peace in Asia?

All this leaves Japan as the only enthusiastic quad member. Indeed, the quad idea was conceived by Shinzo Abe in a book he published a couple of months before becoming prime minister. Given that Abe was born after World War II and his life has been shaped by democracy, the concept of democratic peace holds special appeal for him.

Despite the present Australian, American and Indian tentativeness, the quad symbolizes the likely geopolitical line-up in the Asia-Pacific in the years ahead, with Japan and India coming closer together.

The writer is a strategic affairs analyst

Copyright: Times of India, 2007 

The Quad: Australia-India-Japan-U.S. Strategic Cooperation

A Concert of Democracies

Brahma Chellaney

© Asian Age, July 3, 2007

In keeping with its growing geopolitical pragmatism, India ought to avail of multiple strategic options in international relations. Its long-standing preference for policy independence indeed demands a web of diverse partnerships with important players to pursue a wide variety of interests.

Having helped found the non-aligned movement, India today is positioning itself to be multi-aligned, while preserving the core element of nonalignment — strategic autonomy. In recent years, India has attempted to forge varied partnerships to pursue different objectives. It has sought multilayered engagement on the world stage — from a “strategic and global partnership” with Japan and a trilateral venture with Brazil and South Africa, to a Eurasian bloc involving Russia and China and an “Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate” with Australia, China, Japan, South Korea and the US.

If India is to be accepted as an important global player, it has to have a broad vision and extensive and active engagement with the world. The various partnerships India is building dovetail well with that imperative and with its security interests.

A new partnership — the Quadrilateral Initiative — is founded on the attractive concept of democratic peace. It is well documented in the international-relations literature that established democracies rarely go to war with each other, even though democratic governments may not be more wedded to peace than autocracies. Leaders in free nations have little political space to wage war against another democracy. This has prompted several scholars to hypothesize that the closest thing we have to a law in international politics is democratic peace.

The quad held its inaugural meeting in confidentiality in Manila on May 25 on the sidelines of the ASEAN Regional Forum gathering. It was this analyst who first unveiled that meeting in a June 2 column. Since then, this Australia-India-Japan-US initiative has hit the headlines. Significantly, the quad’s foundational meeting was preceded by the first-ever U.S.-Japan-India joint naval exercises near Tokyo.

As a concept, democratic peace holds special value in Asia. Democracy may have become the political norm in Europe, but that can hardly be said about Asia. While the community in Europe has been built among democracies, the political systems in Asia are so varied and some even so opaque that it is not going to be easy to build trust. India’s troubled neighbourhood bristles more with failing states than with democracies.

Yet, if Asia is to enjoy durable peace and power equilibrium, the coming together of democracies to promote common norms is necessary. Such a constellation of democracies tied together through interlinked strategic partnerships could be a guarantor of political cooperation and stability founded on a community of values.

No nation thus needs to be apologetic about promoting democratic peace. Yet the quad’s first meeting was unpublicized so as not to raise the hackles of the world’s largest autocratic state, China. Now, some quad members are straining hard to reassure Beijing that this initiative constitutes no axis of democracies.

Such defensiveness is unwarranted, given that what has happened so far is just one inaugural meeting over breakfast. In any event, the quad’s aim is not to establish a military alliance but a political network on shared values and concerns.

India has sought to assuage Beijing, privately and publicly, that it has no intent to work against Chinese interests. China, however, has set up proxy military threats against India, going to the extent of transferring tested nuclear-weapon and missile designs to achieve that objective. While New Delhi certainly has no desire to repay Beijing in the same coin, it is incumbent on the government to ensure that China does not continue to exercise a cost-free containment option.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh revealed last Wednesday that, at the recent G-8 Outreach Summit in Germany, he spoke with Chinese President Hu Jintao about the quad meeting and “explained” that there was “no question of ganging up” against China. The PM went on to deny the undeniable: “There is no security implication in the quadripartite group.”

If India can openly join hands with China and Russia in a Eurasian strategic triangle intended to help promote global power equilibrium, why should it be diffident about partnering other states to seek democratic peace and stability in Asia? When China pursues actions overtly designed to contain India, does it bother to “explain” its actions to New Delhi? Rather, it determinedly presses ahead with steps antithetical to Indian interests, including a “string of pearls” strategy that aims to pin down India.

Take the latest Chinese moves. Has Beijing cared to explain its new hardline stance on territorial disputes or its disinclination to set up what President Hu Jintao had agreed to during his visit to New Delhi last November — an interstate river-waters mechanism? Besides continuing to dam rivers upstream in Tibet without sharing any information with India, Beijing has repudiated a key principle of a 2005 agreement — that the two sides would craft a territorial settlement that safeguards “due interests of their settled populations in the border areas.”

Instead of shedding light on its increasing assertiveness toward India, China has taken to preaching the virtues of transparency, stating that the quad members should be “open and inclusive.” New Delhi certainly can learn from Beijing about an important building block of national power — the capacity to unswervingly pursue clear, long-term goals. But China’s lecturing on the values of openness is like an Al Capone instruction on law and order.

India’s response to such a jarring sermon should be to encourage China to democratize in order to qualify for membership in the evolving concert of democracies in the Asia-Pacific. Today, China’s rulers are reluctant to allow even the development of a civil society, fearful that such growth would unravel their dictatorship. China still executes more people every year than all other nations combined.

India should do what is strategically sound over the long run, not what appears easier in the near term. Despite being defensive on the quad formation, New Delhi has displayed refreshing candour on China’s land-grab strategy, with External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee cautioning recently that “the days of Hitler are over” and making clear that no government can constitutionally cede “any part of our land that sends representatives to the Indian Parliament.”

China has yet to learn that a muscular approach is counterproductive. By setting out to “teach India a lesson” in 1962, China helped lay the foundation of India’s political rise. Beijing has turned a pacifist, China-friendly, aid-doling Japan into a strategic rival in just the past decade. Now, China’s hardline stance on India threatens to achieve what it is seeking to stop: a US-India military tie-up.

An important component of India’s security strategy has to involve cooperation with likeminded states to advance democratic norms and practices in the Asia-Pacific. The democracies of Asia are natural allies. Strategic accommodation and partnership with Japan, for example, will not only materially aid India’s defence interests but also have a profoundly positive bearing on Asian security. Few countries face such implacably hostile neighbours as India and Japan do.

In fact, Tokyo was instrumental in helping expand the US-Japan-Australia security arrangements to include India. The quad idea was proposed by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in his book, Utsukushii Kunihe (Toward A Beautiful Country), published in July 2006, wherein he says: “It would not be a surprise if in another 10 years, Japan-India relations overtake Japan-US and Japan-China ties.” Tokyo also played a key role in frustrating Chinese opposition and getting India into the East Asia Summit (EAS) initiative, which is to fashion an East Asian Community (EAC).

Despite being a rising power, India cannot expect to balance the Asian power situation on its own. It is too reticent and internally engrossed to be a major power player by itself. It needs reliable partners to help build a stable Asian order. A key template in that endeavour would be a constellation of democracies working together to fashion what Dr. Singh calls “an arc of advantage and prosperity,” to which China itself might eventually belong as events from within and from without compel it to politically modernize.

To quote the PM, “If there is an ‘idea of India’ that the world should remember us by and regard us for, it is the idea of an inclusive and open society, a multicultural, multiethnic, multilingual society. All countries of the world will evolve in this direction as we move forward into the 21st century. Liberal democracy is the natural order of social and political organization in today’s world. All alternate systems, authoritarian and majoritarian in varying degrees, are an aberration.” The quad jibes well with the imperative to harness democratic values for strategic goals.

© Asian Age, 2007

The U.S.-India-Japan-Australia Quadrilateral Initiative

A New Great Game

Brahma Chellaney

Asian Age, June 2, 2007

A new enterprise focussed on security dangers in the Asia-Pacific — the Quadrilateral Initiative — has kicked off with an unpublicized first meeting. US, Indian, Australian and Japanese officials, at the rank of assistant secretary of state, quietly met last weekend on the sidelines of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) gathering in Manila.

Given the qualitative reordering of power underway, with Asia boasting the world’s fastest-growing economies and fastest-rising military expenditures, strategic stability has become a key challenge. The shifts in international
power — most conspicuous in Asia — are occurring not because of battlefield victories or new military alliances but due to a factor unique to the modern world: rapid economic growth.

A new world power brings with it new challenges, especially if it is opaque or harbours imperial ambitions. China’s emergence as a global player is transforming geopolitics like no other development since the time Japan rose to world-power status during the Meiji Restoration. Ironically, it had been the Qing dynasty’s failure to grasp the dramatic rise of Japan that led to China’s rout in 1895 in the Sino-Japanese war, opening the way to Western imperialistic intervention and China’s quasi-colonization over the subsequent decades.

Today, major powers don’t wish to make a similar mistake over China’s rapid rise. All important players, including China, are manoeuvring for geopolitical advantage through new equations and initiatives. Just as China, for the first time since the Ming dynasty, is pursuing security interests and seeking allies far from its shores, other powers are working to build new equations and partnerships.

The “quad” is just one of several initiatives currently being developed. Yet its preliminary first meeting was not made known for fear of raising China’s hackles. If the China-India-Russia “strategic triangle” can hold high-level meetings with fanfare, why should India, the United States, Australia and Japan shy away from acknowledging discussions on issues of common interest?

With Asia becoming more divided in the face of conflicting strategic cultures and weak regional institutions, the accent has to be on cooperative relationships among the major players. Initiatives like the 26-nation ARF, the
16-state East Asia Summit (EAS) and the 21-member Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, however, are too large and unwieldy to bear enduring results by themselves. They need to be complemented by smaller initiatives involving important powers in different permutations.

In that light, the “quad” is an appealing idea. In fact, New Delhi ought to also explore the establishment of triangular Russia-India-Japan and Japan-China-India initiatives. Along with the “quad,” they could contribute to building strategic transparency and understanding.

A Russia-India-Japan triangle is of immense strategic import. It can help deter power disequilibrium in Asia. But its formation depends on Tokyo and Moscow settling (or, in the interim, setting aside) their Northern Territories
dispute and fully normalizing bilateral relations, which remain underdeveloped and riven by mutual distrust since the end of World War II.

How the “quad” initiative shapes up will hinge on the resolution of a key issue: will India be a Japan or an Australia to the US (in other words, an ally), or will it be a strategic partner? An ally has to follow the alliance leader, while in a partnership there is at least the semblance of equality.

This question won’t go away easily. Australia and Japan not only have a bilateral security treaty with America but also trilateral security arrangements with Washington. With India, the US has worked out only a
defence-framework agreement. New Delhi agreed in the framework accord signed in June 2005 not only to “conclude defence transactions” and share intelligence with America, but also to participate in US-directed “multinational operations” and join the US-led non-proliferation regime. India,
however, is going to be reluctant to outsource its security in any way or slavishly follow Washington.

It is Tokyo that pushed for India’s inclusion to turn the existing trilateral security arrangements into quadrilateral. Even before becoming Japan’s prime minister, Shinzo Abe had proposed the “quad” idea in his book, Toward A Beautiful Country, published last July. In the book, Abe says, “It is of crucial importance to Japan’s national interest that it further strengthen ties with India,” adding, “It would not be a surprise if in another 10 years, Japan-India relations overtake Japan-US and Japan-China relations.”
The “quad” idea was supported by U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney when he visited Japan and Australia earlier this year.

The “quad” seeks to involve India in activities to which it is already committed bilaterally with the US — from promotion of democracy and collaboration on homeland security to joint disaster-response operations and building greater military interoperability. Significantly, the initial “quad”
meeting was preceded by the first-ever US-India-Japan joint naval exercises.

Indian naval ships first went to Okinawa for a joint manoeuvre with US forces before taking part in the trilateral exercises off the Tokyo Bay. The trilateral exercises, interestingly, intersected with Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s Tokyo visit. New Delhi, however, had taken care to placate Beijing by despatching two-three ships to China from Okinawa for a friendly exercise immediately after the bilateral manoeuvre with the US.

Just because Washington, New Delhi, Canberra and Tokyo are coming
together to build a four-way arrangement based on shared values and interests doesn’t mean that they intend to jointly countervail China. Such a mechanism, at best, can give the four democracies extra leverage with Beijing as part of a common desire to ensure that the fast-rising Chinese power does not slide into arrogance. For each “quad” member, a stable,
mutually beneficial relationship with Beijing remains critical to national interest.

In reality, the four have still a long way to go before they can synchronize their approaches toward China. Given their geographical proximity to China and the direct impact Chinese power and ambitions hold for them, Japan and India view power equilibrium as a more pressing imperative. Yet the
growing asymmetry in power with China puts them at a disadvantage while dealing with Beijing just at the bilateral level, making broader security arrangements or initiatives attractive.

US strategy, however, is geared toward maintaining a calibrated balance between strategic hedging and greater engagement with Beijing. The China
factor is so overplayed — as on the much-touted Indo-US nuclear deal — that it obscures the fact that America today has much deeper political and economic engagement with Beijing than with New Delhi.

As part of the hedging, the US is eager to co-opt India, an important geopolitical swing state. But such co-option is unlikely to be at the cost of America’s closer engagement with Beijing. After all, America now relies on Chinese savings and trade surpluses to finance its super-sized budget deficits, hold down US interest rates and prop up the value of the dollar. China indeed has become a locomotive for US economic growth. Politically, the US depends on Chinese assistance on challenges ranging from North Korea’s future to the Iranian nuclear programme. Once allies of convenience during the Cold War, the US and China today are partners tied by interdependence.

Australia’s extraordinary economic boom, likewise, is being driven by exports to a resource-hungry China, and Canberra is loath to take sides between Japan and China, or China and India. Once regarded with distrust, China has gained respectability in Australia, securing a controversial deal to import Australian uranium for power generation without having accepted verifiable measures of the kind India is ready to embrace against diversion
for weapons purposes.

The “quad” also doesn’t mean the US is reversing the Asia-Pacific strategy
it has maintained since it took the Philippines in 1898 as spoils of the naval war with Spain — counterbalancing one power against the other to reinforce America’s role as the main arbiter. To underpin that very strategy, the US has in recent years strengthened its bilateral military alliances, reconfigured its forward-deployed military forces, designated Pakistan,
Thailand and the Philippines as major non-NATO allies, and built strategic cooperation with India and Singapore.

America can live with a China that challenges India and Japan but not one that challenges US pre-eminence. To tie down China regionally, the US is not
averse to Japan coming out of its pacifist cocoon as a “normal” military power — but under American tutelage. The revival of the Sino-Japanese
historical rivalry indeed can only help the US retain its position as Asia’s strategic pivot.

Similarly, after having penalized New Delhi for its 1974 nuclear test through stringent technology controls, Washington is now ready to promote India’s “normalization” as a nuclear power, but at a price: India is to bind its interests to America’s, and accept fetters on its still-nascent nuclear-deterrent capability. Given that a stunted Indian nuclear deterrent equally suits Chinese interests, it is hardly a surprise that Washington has kept Beijing in the loop, with Undersecretary Nicholas Burns declaring that China
would not be an obstacle when the nuclear deal goes before the Nuclear
Suppliers’ Group.

To help preserve US interests and primacy in the long run, American policy seeks to build close security cooperation with friendly democracies and bring them within US strategic influence. India is a prominent case. Yet the US hews to its benighted traditional role as the offshore balancer on the subcontinent. It has not only resumed the rearming of Islamabad with lethal, India-directed weapons, but also is beginning to sell New Delhi the very systems it has transferred to Pakistan. In notifying Congress this week of its intent to sell India six C-130 Hercules military transport aircraft for $1.1 billion, Washington has stressed the sale “will not affect” the subcontinental
military balance.

The “quad” is one of several new initiatives intended to help shape a new international balance in response to the ongoing power shifts. It seeks not to establish a new security bloc but to evolve common thinking on shared concerns. For India, its geopolitical value lies in the opportunity it offers to better understand the strategic outlook of the other three players.

© Asian Age, 2007.

Brahma on board “JDS Shirayuki,” Japanese destroyer, at the Yokosuka naval base on May 23, 2007

Also in the picture are Captain Umio Otsuka, commander of the Escort Division 21 of the Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force (on the left), the captain of the destroyer, Commader Fujita (on the far right), and two Japanese Defense Ministry officials, Mr. Kenji Mizunoya (senior deputy director of international policy planning division) and Ms. Kumiko Morino.

Tibet at the core of India-China territorial disputes

Sino-Indian Relations: Tibet is the Key
 
BY BRAHMA CHELLANEY 
 
China Rights Forum, CRF 2007, Vol. 1 — China and the World 
 
The increasingly complex relationship between Asian giants China and India is exacerbating long-standing territorial disputes, which may ultimately be defused only through a resolution of the Tibet question.
 
Read full article in the current issue of China Rights Forum:
 

Tibet is at the core of the India-China divide

Tibet is the Key

Brahma Chellaney

(c) Asian Age

The Sino-Indian spat over Arunachal Pradesh triggered by the Chinese ambassador’s loud-mouthed claim has brought home the truth that at the core of the India-China divide remains Tibet and that unless that issue is resolved, the chasm between the two demographic titans will not be bridged. After all, Beijing’s claim to Arunachal Pradesh or more specifically to a slice of it, Tawang, flows from Tibet’s putative historical or ecclesiastical ties with Arunachal.

Tibet thus lies at the heart of the disputes. To focus on Arunachal or even Tawang is not only to miss the wood for the trees, but also to play into the hands of China, which has sought to practise incremental territorial annexation. Having gobbled up Tibet, the historical buffer between the Indian and Chinese civilizations, Beijing now lays claim to Indian territories on the basis of not any purported Han connection to them but supposed Tibetan Buddhist ecclesiastical influence. A good analogy to China’s expansionist territorial demands was Saddam Hussein’s claim, following his 1990 invasion of Kuwait, to areas in Saudi Arabia on the basis of alleged Kuwaiti links to them.

Another reminder that Tibet remains the central issue was the recent shooting by Chinese border guards of unarmed Tibetans fleeing to India via Nepal through the 5,800-metre-high Nangpa-la Pass. There have been instances in the past of Tibetans being shot at by the paramilitary People’s Armed Police or the People’s Liberation Army at border crossings, but this was the first such incident captured on film and shown across the world on television.

The 41 survivors of that event who escaped gunfire and capture by Chinese troops on ice-covered Himalayan terrain have recounted in Dharamsala how the guards opened fire without warning on some 77 Tibetans, a majority of them teenage boys and girls seeking to pursue Tibetan Buddhist studies in schools run by the Dalai Lama. Beijing has confirmed two were killed, identified as a 25-year-old nun and a 13-year-old boy. The rest were arrested, and are likely to rot in jail.

       Beijing, having wrung the concessions it wanted out of India on Tibet, now is calculatedly signalling that Arunachal is its next priority. By publicly presenting Arunachal as an outstanding issue that demands “give and take,” it is cleverly putting the onus on India for achieving progress in the border negotiations. Lest the message be missed, New Delhi is being openly exhorted to make concessions on Arunachal, especially on strategic Tawang — a critical corridor between Lhasa and the Assam Valley of immense military import.

The choice before India now is stark: either to retreat to a defensive, unviable negotiating position where it has to fob off Chinese territorial demands centred on Arunachal or to take the Chinese bull by the horns and question the very legitimacy of Beijing’s right to make territorial jurisdiction claims ecclesiastically on behalf of Tibetan Buddhism when China has still to make peace with the Tibetans.

Either way it does not augur well for the border talks, already the longest between any two nations in modern world history. After a quarter-century of continuing negotiations, the border diplomacy has yielded no concrete progress on an overall settlement nor removed even the ambiguities plaguing the 4,057-kilometre frontline. Beijing has been so loath to clearly define the frontline with India that it broke its 2001 promise to exchange maps of the eastern and western sectors by the end of 2002.

Gently shining the diplomatic spotlight on the Tibet question will help India turn the tables on Beijing, whose aggressive territorial demands have drawn strength from New Delhi’s self-injurious and gratuitous acceptance of Tibet as part of China.  

At a time when China is threatening to divert the waters of River Brahmaputra, the subtle and measured revival of Tibet as an unresolved issue will arm India with leverage and international say on any Chinese effort to dam the Brahmaputra and reroute its waters. With water likely to emerge as a major security-related issue in southern Asia in the years ahead, India can hardly ignore the fact that the Indus, Sutlej and Brahmaputra originate in occupied Tibet.

       Tibet is the means by which India could coop up the bull in its own China shop. Beijing’s new hardline focus on Arunachal/Tawang is apparent not only from its failure to accept the Indian proposal for a new round of border talks in the run-up to President Hu Jintao’s India visit, but also from Chinese Ambassador Sun Yuxi’s extraordinary remarks on Indian soil that an entire Indian state belongs to his country. It is highly unusual for an envoy not only to make bellicose remarks, but also to do so on the eve of his president’s visit, unmindful of roiling the atmosphere.

As if to underscore that his statement to a television network was not unintentional, Ambassador Sun followed it up with another interview to an Indian wire service a couple of days later wherein he insisted that Arunachal was “a disputed area” and demanded that India agree to “mutual compromises” and “some give and take” in relation to that state. The Chinese foreign ministry, while harping on a negotiated settlement of the frontier disputes with India, did not take back anything that its ambassador said in New Delhi. It repeated its now-familiar slogan — “a solution that is fair, rational and acceptable” — even as it blocks progress in the border talks, continuing since 1981. 

Imperceptive or tactless statements or actions can hardly advance any country’s interests. But China, being a closed system, does not seem to understand that. That is the reason why communist China has a tradition of acting in ways unfavourable to its own long-term interests. One recent example of that is the way it helped rekindle Japanese nationalism by scripting anti-Japan mob protests in April 2005. Tokyo is now more determined than ever not to allow Beijing to call the shots in East Asia.

What is new is not China’s claim to Tawang or to the whole of Arunachal Pradesh but its brassy assertiveness in laying out in public its territorial demands, that too on the eve of Hu’s visit. What makes such forcefulness doubly astonishing is that its net effect will only be to reinforce India’s resolve not to cede further ground to China. Indian officials take an oath of office pledging to “uphold the sovereignty and integrity of India,” and it is unthinkable any Indian government would gift Tawang to China. As Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee has already put it, “Every inch of Arunachal is part of India.”

That Tawang is a Monba, not Tibetan, area is a conclusion that British surveyors Bailey and Moreshead painstakingly reached, leading Henry McMahon to draw his famous redline on the Survey of India map-sheets to Tawang’s north. Earlier at Simla in October 1913, the British Indian government and Tibet, represented by McMahon and Lonchen Shatra respectively, reached agreement on defining the frontier at that meeting, to which the Chinese delegate at the Simla Conference was not invited because all parties at that time, including China, recognized Tibet’s sovereign authority to negotiate its boundary with India. Even Ivan Chen’s map presented at the Simla Conference clearly showed Tawang as part of India.

An ecclesiastical relationship cannot by itself signify political control of one territory over another. However, in the two regions — Amdo (the birthplace of the present Dalai Lama) and Kham — where Tibet exercised undisputed ecclesiastical jurisdiction and political control, the occupying power has forcibly incorporated those areas in the Han provinces of Qinghai, Sichuan, Gansu and Yunnan. Before claiming Tawang to be part of Tibet, China should be told plainly to first restore Amdo and Kham to Tibet.

  

Yet, a disturbing pattern of belligerent Chinese statements is emerging without cause. A diplomat-cum-senior researcher at a Chinese foreign ministry-run think-tank, for instance, has suggested that India kick out the Dalai Lama if it wished to build “real and sustainable” relations with Beijing. In an interview with an Indian newspaper, Zheng Ruixiang said: “The Tibet problem is a major obstacle in the normalization of relations between India and China. India made a mistake in the 1950s by welcoming the Dalai Lama when he fled Tibet. It is now time for correcting the past mistake and building a real and sustainable relationship with China.”           

The pattern suggests that under the hardline Hu, who made his name in the Chinese Communist Party by ruthlessly quelling the 1989 anti-China protests in Lhasa as the martial-law administrator, Beijing may be striving to adopt a more forthright stance vis-à-vis India, including on the border disputes and the presence of the Dalai Lama and his government-in-exile in Dharamsala. Having consolidated his hold on power in the past year to emerge as China’s unchallenged ruler, Hu has begun suppressing dissent at home, strengthening the military and shaping a more nationalistic foreign policy. Hu may believe his regime can exert more strategic pressure on India, now that the railway to Tibet has been built and Pakistan’s Chinese-funded Gwadar port-cum-naval base is likely to be opened during his stop in Islamabad next week.

Given autocratic China’s penchant to act counterproductively, India should welcome the Chinese resurrection of the past and highlighting of bilateral disputes in public. What all this brings out is that Beijing is unwilling to settle the border disputes on the basis of the status quo. Not satisfied with the Indian territories it has occupied, either by conquest or by furtive encroachment, China wishes to further redraw the frontiers with India, even as it keeps up the charade of border negotiations.

The new Chinese brashness helps create the necessary leeway for India to re-evaluate its policy and approach and add more subtlety and litheness to its stance unilaterally accommodating China on Tibet and other issues. 

India needs to first grasp the damage to its China policy caused by Atal Bihari Vajpayee as prime minister. Both on Tibet and the border talks, he acquiesced to Chinese demands. He signed on to a document formally recognizing Tibet to be “part of the People’s Republic of China” and, by agreeing to a new framework of border talks focused on an elusive “package” settlement, he rewarded Beijing for its breach of promise to fully define the frontline through an exchange of maps.

China may have ceased its cartographic aggression on Sikkim through its maps, but the important point, often overlooked, is that it has yet to expressly acknowledge that Sikkim is part of India. While it now makes India accept in every bilateral communiqué the Vajpayee formulation that Tibet is “part of the People’s Republic of China,” Beijing till date has declined to affirm in a joint statement with New Delhi or even unilaterally that Sikkim is part of the Republic of India.

Sikkim was never an issue in Sino-Indian relations until Vajpayee made it one. He then ingeniously flaunted the Chinese “concession” on Sikkim as a cover to justify his kowtow on Tibet.

Tibet is India’s trump card, yet Vajpayee capriciously surrendered it to gain a dubious concession on Sikkim, over which China has never claimed sovereignty. All that China was doing was to depict Sikkim as an independent kingdom in its official maps. But such action made little difference to India. The world had accepted Sikkim’s 1975 merger with India, and it made little sense for New Delhi to surrender its Tibet card just to persuade Beijing to stop ploughing a lonely furrow — that too over a territory over which China had staked no claim. If an Indian concession on Tibet can ever be justified, it can only be in the context of making Beijing give up its claims on Indian territories, formalize the present borders and reach a deal with the Dalai Lama to bring him home from exile.

For India, the Dalai Lama is a powerful ally. When China annexed Tibet, India surrendered not only its extra-territorial rights over that buffer, but it also signed a pact in 1954 — the infamous “Panchsheel Agreement” — accepting Chinese sovereignty over Tibet without seeking any quid pro quo, not even the Chinese recognition of the then existing Indo-Tibetan border. That monumental folly stripped India of leverage and encouraged the Chinese communists to lay claims to Indian territories on the basis of Tibet’s alleged historical links with those areas.

The Panchsheel accord recorded India’s agreement both to fully withdraw within six months its “military escorts now stationed at Yatung and Gyantse” in the “Tibet Region of China” as well as “to hand over to the Government of China at a reasonable price the postal, telegraph and public telephone services together with their equipment operated by the Government of India in Tibet Region of China.”

If India still has any card against Beijing, it is the Dalai Lama. As long as the Dalai Lama remains based in Dharamsala, it is a great strategic asset for India. The Tibetans in Tibet will neither side with China against India nor accept Chinese rule over their homeland. If after the death of the present 71-year-old Dalai Lama, the institution of the Dalai Lama were to get captured by Beijing (like the way it has anointed its own Panchen Lama), India will be poorer by several army divisions against China.

It is not late for India to repair the damage from the blunders of Nehru and the closet-Nehruvian Vajpayee. The only way India can build counter-leverage against Beijing is to quietly reopen the issue of China’s annexation of Tibet and its subsequent failure to grant autonomy to the Tibetans, despite an express pledge contained in the 17-point agreement it imposed on Tibet in 1951.

This can be done by India in a way that is neither provocative nor confrontational. Building a mutually beneficial relationship with China does not demand appeasement on India’s part. And the alternative to appeasement is not provocation. Between appeasement and aggravation lie a hundred different options. 

India can start diplomatically making the point that China’s own security and well-being will be enhanced if it reaches out to Tibetans and grants genuine autonomy to Tibet through a deal that brings back the Dalai Lama from his exile in Dharamsala. If the Chinese ambassador to India can publicly demand “mutual compromises” on Arunachal — a statement portrayed by the Indian press as an attempt by him to “play down” his unabashed claim on Arunachal — is it too much to expect the new Indian ambassador in Beijing to genially appeal to China’s own self-interest and suggest it pursue “mutual compromises” with the Tibetans on Tibet?

(c) Asian Age November 18, 2006

 

World’s next big challenge: China

Rising Challenge

India needs to emulate China’s pragmatism and assertive pursuit of national interest

By BRAHMA CHELLANEY

(C) Hindustan Times   

It has become commonplace to compare India’s and China’s economic march and project future growth on the basis of their present relative advantage.  The comparisons inexorably pit India’s services-driven growth and institutional stability, founded on pluralism, transparency and rule of the law, against China’s resolute leadership, high savings rate, good infrastructure and manufacturing forte. Little noticed, however, is that globalisation threatens China’s autocracy, not India’s democracy.

            Whether China follows a stable or violent path to political modernisation will determine its continued unity and strength. In most other aspects, China knows what it takes to become a great power. While emergent realism in India has yet to overcome traditions of naïve idealism, Beijing epitomises strategic clarity and pragmatism, zealously erecting the building blocks of comprehensive national power.

            Broadly, demographics will drive economic growth. Economies with burgeoning young populations clearly have a leg up in the economic-growth race, as nations saddled with aging citizens like Japan and several in Europe struggle to grow at rates above zero. Which country becomes (or stays) a great power will be decided, however, not by demographics but by the quality of its statecraft and its ability to develop and exploit ‘hard power’, economic and military. A nation that seeks to be ‘politically correct’ or goody-goody can never acquire great-power status.

            That is where the India-China gulf becomes wide, not merely because one is a politically open and the other a politically closed society. China’s ruthless pragmatism and assertiveness contrast sharply with India’s sanctimonious worldview. Prone to seduction by praise, India is a nation that yearns to be loved, and feels best when its policies enjoy external affirmation. China, quite the opposite, wants to be held in respect and awe, and never muffles its view when any interest is at issue. Compare Beijing’s early warning against Patriot anti-missile system sale to India, with New Delhi’s silence on the EU move to lift arms embargo on China.

The gulf is not narrower even in the way they approach bilateral ties. India, with its good-boy approach, does not believe in strategic balancing and has no intent to employ Tibet or Taiwan for countervailing leverage. The Dalai Lama’s recent statement forsaking Tibet’s independence as his life’s mission was a cry in despair. Short of expelling him and denying refuge to more fleeing Tibetans, India has bended to China on Tibet.

Beijing, in contrast, pursues bilateral ties valuing the multiple strategic cards it holds against New Delhi, including a Himalayan line of control it steadfastly refuses to define (despite hype before any high-level visit about a likely ‘breakthrough’), its commitment to maintain Pakistan as a military counterweight to tie down India south of the Himalayas, its new strategic flank via Burma, its budding military ties with Bangladesh, and its depiction of three Indian states as outside India — Arunachal Pradesh, Sikkim and J&K.  China’s latest official map shows that, like Vajpayee’s new, superstitiously renumbered street address, there was nothing rational about his claim as PM that he won Chinese acceptance of Sikkim as part of India, in return for his kowtow on Tibet.

The point is that India has been steadily eroding its leverage and room for manoeuvre vis-à-vis its main long-term rival. Loath to shape up to the challenge posed by a rapidly rising China, India has become averse to treat China even as a competitor, preferring to shelter behind the calcinatory rhetoric of cooperation.

Cooperation on equal terms demands the will to face the competition. Today, without being at a disadvantage, India can cooperate with China on what? On promoting a multipolar world, when China seeks to fashion a unipolar Asia?  On energy, when China’s annual oil imports have soared 33 percent, or three times India’s, and its egotistical autocrats revel in outbidding others, even if it jacks up prices to artificial levels?  On helping China enter SAARC, as Pakistan wants?  If growing trade could connote political progress, China and Japan, with 10 times larger bilateral trade, would not be locked today in an emergent cold war.

Energy illustrates the surreal cooperation. Eager to play the new ‘Great Game’ on energy, India, copying China, has made state-owned companies buy oil and gas fields in pariah or problem states. But there is one vital difference: China made many such investments in the Nineties when oil was less than one-fifth of the current price level, while India began acquiring overvalued assets more recently at the high end of the pricing cycle. Multinationals hesitate to acquire such risky assets, but the bureaucrats running Indian and Chinese firms readily gamble with taxpayers’ money. 

Just like the misconceived idea of sourcing India’s main gas imports through Pakistan and opening the Indian economy to Pakistani blackmail, India cannot build ‘security’ by chasing an antiquated idea that legal ownership of far-flung assets is a better bet than buying oil on the world markets. Instead of fixing its energy mess (reflected in price distortions, cross subsidies, severely restricted competition and lack of a unified energy policy), India is ready to invest up to $25 billion more to buy oil assets overseas, when its commercial nuclear-power industry is crying for smaller funds. It could prove a profligate waste of capital if, emulating Kremlin’s recent example, the concerned nations were to reassert control over their assets. When that happens, China, with its greater power-projection force capability, could recover more of its investments than India.

While romanticised visions of cooperation remain popular in India, China pursues hardnosed realism, laced with a balance-of-power strategy. It backs greater engagement with India, even as it unflappably strives to expand its strategic leverage.

When the main deputy to China’s top autocrat arrives in India at the end of next week to talk cooperation, he would have first done his bit to constrict India’s strategic options.  Starting his tour from Pakistan, his country’s ‘all-weather’ and ‘tested-by-adversity’ friend, Premier Wen Jiabao would inaugurate the Chinese-built Gwadar port and naval base, close to Pakistan’s border with Iran. Gwadar will not only arm Pakistan with critical depth against a 1971-style Indian attempt to bottle up its navy, but it will also open the way to the arrival of Chinese submarines in India’s backyard, completing its strategic encirclement.

India has only one credible option now — a single-minded pursuit of comprehensive national power.  If instead of industrialising rapidly through infrastructure growth, reform of antediluvian labour laws and open competition in labour-intensive manufacturing, India remains content with a GDP growth of 6.6 per cent versus China’s 9.5 per cent, it will find it more difficult to build a level-playing field with Beijing. And if it continues to pare down its defence spending, it will enlarge the asymmetry. While China has maintained double-digit growth in annual military appropriations since 1990, India has allowed its defence spending to plummet from 3.59 per cent of GDP in 1987-88 to 2.35 per cent in the now-opening fiscal year.

More than the global fight against al-Qaeda, a grouping now splintered and holed up, China’s rise is going to pose the single biggest challenge to world security in the years to come.  Just as India bore the brunt of the rise of international terror, it will be frontally affected by the growing power of an opaque, calculating empire next door. It can ill-afford to persist with its traditions of escapism.  An India that remains soft and confused but miraculously enjoys international power due to its size or example is a fantasy. India’s main concern now should be to grow rich and strong speedily.

© Hindustan Times 2005

Tibet is the key

Sino-Indian Relations: Tibet is the Key

By Brahma Chellaney

 

The increasingly complex relationship between the Asian giants China and India is exacerbating long-standing territorial disputes, which may ultimately only be defused through a resolution of the Tibet question.

 

The recent Sino-Indian spat over India’s Arunachal Pradesh state triggered by the Chinese ambassador’s pronouncement in November[1] has brought home the truth that at the core of the India-China divide remains Tibet, and that unless that issue is resolved, the chasm between the two demographic titans will not be bridged.

Beijing’s claim to Arunachal Pradesh, or more specifically, to its Tawang district, stems from Tibet’s putative historical or ecclesiastical ties with Arunachal. Tibet thus lies at the heart of the disputes. To focus on Arunachal or even Tawang is not only to miss the wood for the trees, but also to play into the hands of China’s attempts at incremental territorial annexation. Having gobbled up Tibet, the historical buffer between the Indian and Chinese civilizations, Beijing now lays claim to Indian territories, not on the basis of any purported Han connection to them, but because of supposed Tibetan Buddhist ecclesiastical influence or alleged longstanding tutelary relations. A good analogy to China’s expansionist territorial demands was Saddam Hussein’s claim, following his 1990 invasion of Kuwait, to areas in Saudi Arabia on the basis of alleged Kuwaiti links to them.

Another reminder that Tibet remains the central issue was the recent shooting by Chinese border guards of unarmed Tibetans fleeing to India via Nepal through the 5,800-metre-high Nangpa-la Pass.[2] There have been instances in the past of Tibetans being shot at by the paramilitary People’s Armed Police or the People’s Liberation Army at border crossings, but this was the first such incident captured on film and shown across the world on television.

              Beijing, having wrung the concessions it desired from India on Tibet, is now publicly presenting Arunachal as an outstanding issue that demands “give and take,” cleverly putting the onus on India to achieve progress in the border negotiations. Lest the message be missed, New Delhi is being especially exhorted to make concessions on Tawang — a critical corridor between Lhasa and the Assam Valley of immense military import.

 

Text Box:

 

Tawang, located in north-western Arunachal Pradesh, borders the Line of Actual Control between India and the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) of China. Traditionally inhabited by the Monpa (Monba) ethnic group as part of the Mon kingdom, Tawang had historically close ties with Tibet, and most of its residents are Tibetan Buddhist by religion. The sixth Dalai Lama, Tsangyang Gyatso (1683-1706), an ethnic Monpa, was born there. Tawang is south of the much-maligned McMahon Line that was established in 1914 as the Indo-Tibetan border. India asserted its administrative control over Tawang only in 1951 after China annexed Tibet. In 1962, during the Sino-Indian War, Chinese troops occupied Tawang for a time before withdrawing voluntarily, and the territory reverted to Indian control. However, China continues to claim Tawang as part of the TAR’s Cona County.

 

The choice before India now is stark: either to retreat to a defensive, unviable negotiating position where it has to fob off Chinese territorial demands centred on Arunachal, or to take the Chinese bull by the horns and question the very legitimacy of Beijing’s right to make territorial jurisdiction claims on behalf of Tibetan Buddhism when China has yet to make peace with the Tibetans.

Neither option augurs well for the border talks, already the longest between any two nations in modern world history. A quarter-century of border diplomacy has yielded no concrete progress on an overall settlement, nor has it removed the ambiguities plaguing the 4,057-kilometre frontline; Beijing has not even fulfilled its 2001 promise to exchange maps of the eastern and western sectors by the end of 2002.

The subtle and measured revival of Tibet as an unresolved issue will arm India with international leverage on any Chinese effort to dam the Brahmaputra River and reroute its waters. With water likely to emerge as a major security-related issue in southern Asia in the years ahead, India can hardly ignore the fact that the Indus, Sutlej and Brahmaputra originate in occupied Tibet.[3]

            Beijing’s new hardline focus on Arunachal/Tawang is apparent not only from its failure to accept the Indian proposal for a new round of border talks prior to President Hu Jintao’s India visit, but also from Chinese Ambassador Sun Yuxi’s extraordinary remarks on Indian soil that an entire Indian state belongs to his country. It is highly unusual for an envoy not only to make bellicose remarks, but also to do so on the eve of his president’s visit, unmindful of roiling the atmosphere.

Ambassador Sun followed up his statement with an interview to an Indian wire service a couple of days later during which he insisted that Arunachal was “a disputed area” and demanded that India agree to “mutual compromises” and “some give and take” in relation to that state. The Chinese foreign ministry has made no effort to contradict the statements of its ambassador, but has repeated its now-familiar slogan — “a solution that is fair, rational and acceptable” — even as it blocks progress in the border talks. 

Imperceptive or tactless statements or actions can hardly advance any country’s interests, but communist China, being a closed system, has a tradition of acting in ways unfavorable to its own long-term interests. One recent example is its rekindling of Japanese nationalism by scripting anti-Japan mob protests in April 2005, which has made Tokyo more determined than ever not to allow Beijing to call the shots in East Asia. Likewise, China’s brassy assertiveness on Arunachal Pradesh will only reinforce India’s resolve not to cede further ground to China. Indian officials take an oath of office pledging to “uphold the sovereignty and integrity of India,” and it is unthinkable that any Indian government would gift Tawang to China. As Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee has already put it, “Every inch of Arunachal is part of India.”

That Tawang is a Monpa, not Tibetan, area is a conclusion that British surveyors Bailey and Moreshead painstakingly reached, leading Henry McMahon to draw his famous redline on the Survey of India map-sheets to Tawang’s north. Earlier at Simla in October 1913, the British Indian government and Tibet, represented by McMahon and Lonchen Shatra respectively, reached agreement on defining the frontier at that meeting, to which the Chinese delegate at the Simla Conference was not invited because all parties at that time, including China, recognized Tibet’s sovereign authority to negotiate its boundary with India. Even Ivan Chen’s map presented at the Simla Conference clearly showed Tawang as part of India.

An ecclesiastical relationship or even tutelary ties cannot by themselves signify political control of one territory over another. In any case, China forcibly incorporated two other regions where Tibet exercised undisputed ecclesiastical jurisdiction and political control – Amdo (the birthplace of the present Dalai Lama) and Kham – into the Han provinces of Qinghai, Sichuan, Gansu and Yunnan. Before claiming Tawang to be part of Tibet, China should first be required to restore Amdo and Kham to Tibet and its tutelary lamas.

Instead, a disturbing pattern of belligerent Chinese statements is emerging without apparent provocation. A diplomat-cum-senior researcher at a Chinese foreign ministry-run think-tank, for instance, recently suggested that India kick out the Dalai Lama if it wished to build “real and sustainable” relations with Beijing. In an interview with an Indian newspaper, Zheng Ruixiang of the China Institute of International Studies said, “The Tibet problem is a major obstacle in the normalization of relations between India and China. India made a mistake in the 1950s by welcoming the Dalai Lama when he fled Tibet. It is now time for correcting the past mistake and building a real and sustainable relationship with China.”[4]    

The pattern suggests that under the hardliner Hu, who made his name in the Chinese Communist Party by ruthlessly quelling the 1989 anti-China protests in Lhasa as martial-law administrator, Beijing may be striving to adopt a more forthright stance vis-à-vis India on issues such as the border disputes and the presence of the Dalai Lama and his government-in-exile in Dharamsala, India. Having consolidated his hold on power in the past year, Hu has begun suppressing dissent at home, strengthening the military and shaping a more nationalistic foreign policy. Hu may believe his regime can exert more strategic pressure on India, now that the railway to Tibet has been built and Pakistan’s Chinese-funded Gwadar port-cum-naval base is likely to be opened in the near future.[5]

China’s resurrection of the past and highlighting of bilateral disputes in public should provide an opportunity for India to re-evaluate its policy and add more subtlety and litheness to its stance of unilaterally accommodating China on Tibet and other issues. India needs to first grasp the damage to its China policy caused by Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who as prime minister acquiesced to Chinese demands both on Tibet and the border talks during his visit to Beijing in 2003.[6] He signed on to a document formally recognizing Tibet to be “part of the People’s Republic of China,” and agreed to a new framework of border talks focused on an elusive “package” settlement that effectively rewarded Beijing for its breach of promise to fully define the frontline through an exchange of maps.

China may have ceased its cartographic aggression on Sikkim through its maps, but the important point, often overlooked, is that it has yet to expressly acknowledge that Sikkim is part of India. While it now makes India accept in every bilateral communiqué the Vajpayee formulation that Tibet is “part of the People’s Republic of China,” Beijing has to date declined to affirm, either unilaterally or in a joint statement with New Delhi, that Sikkim is part of the Republic of India. Sikkim was never an issue in Sino-Indian relations until Vajpayee made it one. He then ingeniously flaunted the Chinese “concession” on Sikkim as a cover to justify his kowtow on Tibet.[7]

Tibet is India’s trump card, yet Vajpayee capriciously surrendered it to gain a dubious concession on Sikkim, over which China has never claimed sovereignty, but has simply depicted as an independent kingdom on its official maps. An Indian concession on Tibet could only be justified in the context of making Beijing give up its claims on Indian territories, formalize the present borders and reach a deal with the Dalai Lama to bring him home from exile.

When China annexed Tibet, India not only surrendered its extra-territorial rights over that buffer, but also signed a pact in 1954 — the infamous “Panchsheel Agreement” — accepting Chinese sovereignty over Tibet without seeking any quid pro quo, not even the Chinese recognition of the then existing Indo-Tibetan border. That monumental folly stripped India of leverage and encouraged the Chinese communists to lay claims to Indian territories on the basis of Tibet’s alleged historical links with those areas.

The Panchsheel accord recorded India’s agreement to fully withdraw within six months its “military escorts now stationed at Yatung and Gyantse” in the “Tibet Region of China,” and also to “hand over to the Government of China at a reasonable price the postal, telegraph and public telephone services together with their equipment operated by the Government of India in Tibet Region of China.”

If India still has any card against Beijing, it is the Dalai Lama, who by maintaining a base in Dharamsala has become a great strategic asset for India. The Tibetans in Tibet will neither side with China against India nor accept Chinese rule over their homeland. If, following the death of the present 71-year-old Dalai Lama, Beijing were to take control of the institution of the Dalai Lama (in the way it has anointed its own Panchen Lama), India will be poorer by several army divisions against China.

The only way India can build counter-leverage against Beijing is to quietly reopen the issue of China’s annexation of Tibet and Beijing’s failure to grant the autonomy promised to Tibetans in the 17-point agreement it imposed on Tibet in 1951. This can be done by India in a way that is neither provocative nor confrontational, and that recognizes that building a mutually beneficial relationship with China does not demand appeasement on India’s part. 

India can start by diplomatically making the point that China’s own security and well-being will be enhanced if it reaches out to Tibetans and grants genuine autonomy to Tibet through a deal that allows the Dalai Lama to return from his exile in Dharamsala. If the Chinese ambassador to India can publicly demand “mutual compromises” on Arunachal — a statement portrayed by the Indian press as an attempt to “play down” his unabashed claim on Arunachal — is it too much to expect the new Indian ambassador in Beijing to genially appeal to China’s own self-interest and suggest it pursue “mutual compromises” with the Tibetans on Tibet?

 

This is an edited version of an article originally published in The Asian Age on November 18, 2006.

 

 


[1] Chinese ambassador Sun Yuxi publicly reiterated Beijing’s claim to Arunachal Pradesh shortly before Chinese President Hu Jintao’s visit to India in November 2006. See “Arunachal Pradesh is our territory: Chinese envoy,” Rediff India Abroad, November 14, 2006, http://www.rediff.com/news/2006/nov/14china.htm; and Seema Guha, “China claims Arunachal Pradesh as ‘Chinese territory,’” DNA World, November 13, 2006, http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?NewsID=1063888/ .

[2] For a detailed examination of this incident, see “The Death of Kelsang Namtso,” China Rights Forum, No. 4, 2007, http://hrichina.org/public/PDFs/CRF.4.2006/CRF-2006-4_Kelsang-Namtso.pdf.

[3] For more on the water resource issue and its international implications, see Wang Weiluo, “Water Resources and the Sino-Indian Strategic Partnership,” China Rights Forum, No. 1, 2006, http://hrichina.org/public/PDFs/CRF.1.2006/CRF-2006-1_Water.pdf.

[4] See Saibal Dasgupta, “India should dissolve Dalai Lama’s govt: Beijing think-tank,” The Times of India, January 9, 2007, posted at http://www.phayul.com/news/article.aspx?id=14685&t=1&c=1.

[5] Pakistani authorities were reportedly keen for Hu to visit Gwadar during his visit to Pakistan, and to inaugurate the commercial port, which was built with Chinese assistance, but the trip was ruled out for security reasons due to tensions in the region. In addition, some construction projects handled by Chinese engineers are not expected to be completed until April 2007. For the strategic role of the Gwadar port, see B. Raman, “Hu’s Visit to Pakistan: Mixed Results,” South Asia Analysis Group, China Monitor, Paper No. 4, December 3, 2006, http://www.saag.org/%5Cpapers21%5Cpaper2048.html.

[6] Vajpayee was Prime Minister of India briefly in 1996, and then again from March 1998 until May 2004.

[7] Sikkim, formerly an independent kingdom bordering Nepal, Tibet and Bhutan as well as India, became India’s twenty-second state in 1975 through a popular referendum. China and India agreed on the opening of trading posts on the Sikkim-Tibet border in the first-ever Sino-Indian joint declaration, signed in June 2003. While the joint declaration was initially expected to include precise formulations on the status of Sikkim and Tibet, India’s acknowledgement of Tibet as part of China was not matched by an explicit Chinese recognition of Sikkim as part of India. See M.K. Razdan, “Agreement on trade through Sikkim,” The Tribune (Chandigarh, India), June 23, 2003, http://www.tribuneindia.com/2003/20030624/main1.htm; Harvey Stockwin, “India and China, Repeating Old Habits,” The Jamestown Foundation, China Brief, Volume 3, Issue 15, July 29, 2003, http://www.jamestown.org/publications_details.php?volume_id=19&issue_id=680&article_id=4755.

China’s anti-satellite weapon test: Implications for India

Friday, Feb. 9, 2007 Japan Times

India’s vulnerability bared

NEW DELHI — Whatever may have been China’s motivation, its Jan. 11 anti-satellite (ASAT) weapon test is bound to have lasting global impact like no other military event in recent years.

Three issues stand out on the surprise test: Beijing’s ingrained opacity, which prevented it from owning up to the test for almost two weeks; a lot of unsafe space debris to last decades in low orbit as a result of the destruction of one of China’s aging weather satellites; and the setting of a treacherous precedent (it was the first ASAT kill by any power in more than two decades).

While China’s message, in line with its growing geopolitical ambitions, may have been directed at America, its immediate neighbors like Japan and India are likely to be more rattled by its precision in timing a high-speed rocket carrying a "kinetic" weapon to kill a circling satellite. Although the rocket probably was the KT-1, similar to India’s PSLV, the demonstrated sophistication invokes wishful thinking about averting militarization of space.

Instead of accelerating its space-launch and missile programs, New Delhi has allowed the asymmetry to widen to a point where China has now laid bare India’s battlefield vulnerability.

Indeed, the Chinese ASAT lethality arguably holds the greatest import for India. The only counter to ASAT weapons is a capability to pay back in kind. The United States and Russia can cripple China’s communications and expose its ground assets if their space assets were struck. Japan, also concerned over the test, is fortunate to be ensconced under the U.S. security umbrella. India, by contrast, neither has the missile reach for a counter-offensive in the Chinese heartland nor seeks ASAT power to deter the destruction of its space assets.

Fighting a 21st-century war with one’s key space assets disabled will be worse than facing an adversary with one hand tied. Such assets are critical not just for communications but also for imagery, navigation, interception, missile guidance and delivery of precision munitions.

To sustain peace with China, India needs to be able to defend peace. Can it be forgotten that India was caught napping in 1962 because the full-scale Chinese invasion lasting 32 days was totally unexpected? Or that, in 1986-87, war clouds emerged out of a clear blue sky on the Sino-Indian horizon? The key lesson is that what matters is adversarial capability, not intent, which can change suddenly.

In today’s world, one side can impose its demands not necessarily by employing force but by building such asymmetrical capabilities that a credible threat constricts the other side’s room for maneuver and ability to withstand pressure. Yet, curiously, the more India has fallen behind minimum deterrence, the more it has sheltered behind the delusional rhetoric of cooperation with China.

It is not lack of resources but a reluctance to get its priorities right that has left India far short of meeting its minimal-deterrent needs. The way India squanders resources is unspeakable. Embarrassed neither by its emergence as the world’s largest arms importer nor by its continued lack of priority to building an armament-production base at home, India has unveiled plans to spend at least $ 20 billion over the next five years to import weapons. Such imports ostensibly will seek to equip India for the next war, when what it faces increasingly are unconventional threats ranging from trans-border terrorism to ASATs.

Rather than prepare to fight war, India ought to give greater priority to preventing aggression. A full-fledged war in southern Asia remains remote 35 years after the last one. Preventing war demands systems of deterrence. India can easily cut its proposed arms imports by half and invest the savings to build deterrence.

Take another egregious case: India plans to spend $ 3.4 billion to land a man on the moon by 2020, with its first lunar orbiter scheduled for 2008 and first manned space flight for 2014. Such an ambitious mission can be a priority for a country like China that has met its basic national-security needs and amassed $ 1 trillion in the world’s largest foreign-exchange hoard. But for India this is an extravagance when it still cannot launch its own telecommunications satellites. Surely, India’s interests on planet Earth and its outer space take precedence over a lunar dream.

Before it can think of developing a counter-capability to shield itself from an ASAT menace, it will have to deal with two obtrusive mismatches that hobble its deterrence promise. The first mismatch is between its satellite and launch capabilities. Greater operational capability necessitates large satellites. While India has first-rate satellite-manufacturing expertise, it still needs a foreign commercial launcher like the Ariane 5 of the European Aeronautic Defense and Space Company to place its INSAT-4 series satellites in geostationary orbit.

The second mismatch is in the military realm — between the technical sophistication to build nuclear warheads and the extent to which they can be delivered reliably by missiles. Nearly a decade after it went overtly nuclear and almost a quarter-century after the missile program launch, India still lacks the full reach against China. The thermonuclear warhead India tested with a controlled yield in 1998 still awaits a delivery vehicle of the right payload range.

Why should a country with one-sixth of humanity to defend still seek incremental progress in the intermediate-range ballistic missile field rather than aim to technologically leapfrog to an intercontinental ballistic missile? Without ICBM capability, India can be neither in the global league nor able to deter ASAT threats.

As several Indian companies emerge as global players in their own right, the Indian state would be a behemoth on the world stage if it remedied its vulnerability problem. Indeed, India owes a thank-you to Beijing for delivering another reminder of its shortcomings.

Internationally, the ASAT test is likely to discredit China’s claim about its peaceful rise. In fact, the test may prove counterproductive by buttressing perceptions of a China threat.

Brahma Chellaney is professor of strategic studies at the private Center for Policy Research in New Delhi.